Problems and Purpose

The Green Revolution of 2009’s main purpose consisted of aimed pressure on the country’s regime to take a more democratic approach to rule over the nation. Through the use of peaceful protests and demonstrations, participants wished to show their dissatisfaction with the government as well as indicate that the current state of Iran was not what was advocated for during the major 1979 Revolution for reforms. By showing the global stage the level of civil unrest and determination for change by the people, those supporting the movement wished to gain more liberties. One major purpose of the movement was to regain liberties for the country's women. To the many women in this movement, it was crucial to regain the autonomy they had lost during the 1979 reforms, using the democratic process to do so.



Background History and Context

After years of dissatisfaction with the leadership of Iran’s Shah, many citizens felt unrepresented. Under the influence of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the people were not only emotionally inspired but also became organized as one community against their state [6]. In 1979, Khomeini’s movement sparked massive protests and demonstrations in Iran, eventually leading to the overthrowing of the Shah and his monarchy [4]. These protests also led to the rise of the Islamic Republic of Iran whose regime aimed to reform the nation [4]. The new government operated based on a type of Sharia law called wilayat al-faqih or “governance of the jurist” [4]. While many citizens of Iran associated with the Islamic values imposed, the main issues they found were with the level of anti-democratic control placed into effect [4]. Through the mandate of dress codes on women, the reversion of women’s legal statuses, changes to abortion and family planning laws, and enforcement by the new “morality police”, the women of Iran felt that they had lost more rights under their new leaders than when they were living under the Shah [4]. When the people advocated for the implementation of a democratic system, the regime allowed elections but failed to truly provide democratic powers to those chosen by the people [3]. This would only lead to a loss of trust in the state, eventually sparking anti-government sentiments. 

It is through these changes to the lives of women as well as the unappreciated changes to Iran’s democratic system that many citizens felt they had been wrong to support Khomeini and his movement in 1979, thus leading to many protests and attempts at revolt since then [1]. The Green Revolution can be recognized as one of the most significant revolutions against a government in Iran’s history, representing the people’s outrage over the failed democratic system as well as the Islamic Republic’s failure to uphold the values fought for during the 1979 revolution [1]. Furthermore, the Green Revolution serves as a connection between democratic support and the participation of the Women’s Movement in Iran seen even today [3].

Organizing, Supporting, and Funding Entities

Organization for the Green Revolution revolved around former Iranian president Mir Hossein Mousavi and his wife who not only acted as symbols for the movement but as advocates against the regime in 2009 [8]. Alongside them, the movement was given avid vocal support by other former presidents like Mehdi Karroubi [8]. Support was also given by some Islamic clerics and Ayatollahs who rejected the practices of the Islamic regime. Included was Grand Ayatollah Ali Montazeri who influenced many Shia Muslims to become participants during the Green Revolution [8]. 

While these individuals were trusted and followed by other members of the movement, they did not identify themselves as leaders throughout the revolution. However, these symbolic leaders acted as forms of inspiration for the average Iranian. There were some unnamed organizers for particular demonstrations throughout the revolution but they simply acted as entities meant to spread the word of different protests taking place, thus spreading the revolution out of Tehran and across the country [5]. There was no true hierarchy and the movement’s demonstrations took place with all on equal terms to one another [8]. While the equality of members fostered a greater sense of community and meaning among citizens, it did cause some disorganization, especially when the group was met with pushback by the government [8]. 

The majority of the movement was composed of angry citizens who at first lacked any sense of organization. As the revolution spread through the country, smaller organized groups emerged, including feminist-led factions [8]. Zahra Rahnavard, wife to Mousavi, represented hope and inspiration for the women’s movement in Iran [1]. In later years, the death of Jina (Mahsa) Amini would serve as a similar inspiration for Iranian women in 2022 [10].

Participant Recruitment and Selection

The revolution was open to all, allowing many citizens to feel encouraged to get involved in their communities [1]. As such, there was a lack of a formal selection process. People chose to be a part of the revolution largely out of emotionally charged motivation to have the civil rights of Iranians recognized [1]. As there was no selection process, entities involved with events used speeches, vocal support, and written publications to garner attention and increase participation [8]. The equal distribution of power was also an inciting factor to participants as for once, citizens felt a sense of autonomy in some sort of capacity. 

This was especially important to the feminist activists of Iran during this time. The reforms of 1979 had removed many civil liberties from the women of the nation and it was through this movement that many felt they would be able to fight for them back [4]. The success of a revolution against Khomeini and his government meant the return of women to parliament, freedom of dress, and the regaining of access to family planning services [4]. To most Iranian feminists in the country, this would be more than sufficient reasoning to resist the regime.

Methods and Tools Used

On a smaller scale, Democracy Cafe was very important for the movement, especially when it came to rural communities. While there was large-scale action in Tehran, small towns relied on the unity of their communities to make a difference as well as the assistance of social media to spread the word of the revolution [8].

Social media acted as one of the greatest tools for the spread of revolutionary ideas, with the creation of online events, slogans and media. Through Facebook groups, Skype calls, the publishing of YouTube videos, and instant messaging, word of the movement and its demonstrations could be shared in a matter of minutes across the country [9]. One female activist during the Green Revolution spoke about the effectiveness of media and compared it to the 1979 Revolution, stating,

"I can recall that after the 1979 Revolution, we had to use small pieces of paper to convey news during that time of repression and arrest... Using social media, news is broadcasted domestically and globally within minutes. It is no longer practically possible to censor such tools. No weapons, party organizations, or so-called leaders are needed!" [9].

Throughout the nation, demonstrations, peaceful protests, and picketing were used as the primary methods for fighting for change [7]. These forms of peaceful revolution coincided with one another and relied on social media to spread their actions further through not just the country but the world, telling the global community about what was going on within the nation [9].

Months into and even before the revolution, public debates were used as a means to situate women's issues into the conversation, with presidential candidates and even Khomeini being given surprise interviews and questioned about civil liberties and the female right to self-determination on the same grounds as men [7]. 

Uncommonly, mourning was used as a method for participants to display their emotions and show non-participants how they had been impacted by the regime. This was used by many participants after losing loved ones during protests where the regime used force against peaceful protestors [7].

What Went On: Process, Interaction, and Participation

Despite talk of Iran’s presidents having little power under wilayat al-faqih, the June 12, 2009 election acted as a chance for the country to exhibit true democracy and move past the repression seen in previous years [2]. Activists involved in the women’s movement attended public debates and questioned different candidates, consistently bringing women’s issues to light and making them a focus during the pre-election period [7]. A major way of displaying the importance of these issues was through the One Million Signatures Campaign, aiming to delegalize discrimination against women in Iran [2]. After lobbying efforts and interviews with the four candidates, all but Mahmoud Ahmadinejad verbally promised to address women’s issues such as gender inequality based on discrimination, education, and work-life [7]. With this as well as the written statements produced, the women of Iran and most of the youth population placed their hopes on Mir Hossein Mousavi winning [7]. 

With such widespread support, Mousavi had high predictions for winning the election. Thus, surprise and outrage swept the nation when Ahmadinejad was declared the next president of Iran with 63% of the vote [2]. Mousavi who placed second with 34% of the vote claimed voter fraud and a rigged election, backed not only by the surprising turn of events but also by noting that the other two candidates who were ethnic minorities lost the vote in their home regions who they aimed to represent [2]. This would kick off the Green Revolution, with upwards of several hundred thousand protestors taking to the streets of Tehran and demonstrating their frustration [8] and chanting the slogan “Where is my vote?” [5]. Participants aimed to use social media in the form of Facebook Groups, WhatsApp chains and YouTube videos to spread the word about these protests, reaching viral statuses in Iran and leading to a nationwide movement in a short time [9]. Another anti-government chant used by participants was by the Muslim population in their daily prayers, using Islam against the Islamic regime. Each day when citizens would chant “God is Great” during their prayers, they would also add the phrase “shame on the dictator”, displaying an enthusiastic disapproval of the government and practically praying that God punishes those in power who claim to perpetuate Islamic values [7]. 

Members of the women’s movement stood at the forefront of peaceful protests and demonstrations, encouraging a non-violent approach to demanding change through the usage of civil disobedience [9]. Even during times when the people rejected the government, hundreds of women’s activists signed petitions with the Coalition of the Women’s Movement to demand the removal of discriminatory laws against women [9]. Many felt that the rigged election was not just a democracy problem but also an intersecting women’s issue, further pushed when figures like Zahra Rahnavard vocally spoke out and made statements [9]. In one protest, she sparked emotion and action from young women by stating: 

“At this point of the election, opposition to discrimination and protection of the rights of women in all aspects could be the slogan of any candidate who truly seeks to promote the concept of civil and political society” [9]. 

Women’s issues became connected to the revolution and were one of the main issues addressed along with the demands for general civil liberties [2]. University students made up a large proportion of participants in demonstrations, choosing to host events within the grounds of Tehran University; they used chants, demonstrations and picketing to display their frustrations with the state, spreading the word through social media [2]. After the Iranian government killed five students during these demonstrations, public outrage escalated, with over 3 million participants gathering in Tehran, hearing speeches by Mousavi and beginning a massive protest that the government was not prepared for [2]. Despite the usage of peaceful protest methods, more participants were killed, further proving that the state was not willing to be civil in the face of the revolution [2]. After mass arrests were made against participants, allegations against the regime arose stating the use of torture, excessive force and sexual assaults against women, leading non-captive participants to use civil means to demand better treatment and release of those detained [2]. 

One form of protest used was public mourning, as primarily seen with the Mourning Mothers Campaign. After the deaths of many participants, their mothers became part of the cause, taking part in mourning demonstrations and organizing sit-ins weekly [7]. Sit-in participants spoke out against the regime, denouncing their aggression against peaceful protestors and demanding the release of the thousands detained [7]. Gaining the attention of the media, the Mourning Mothers used their spotlight to advocate for democratic change in Iran, provide support to the women’s movement which the regime aimed to silence, and in the light of their own detainments in later sit-ins, made claims that the regime lacked morality for its citizens [7]. Participants further expressed mourning practices for the revolution on Ashura, set on the 10th day of the Islamic month Muharram where Shia Muslims mourn the death of the Prophet Muhammad’s grandson Imam Hussein [12]. When Ashura 2009 coincided with the period that Grand Ayatollah Hussein Ali Montazeri passed away, participants became emotionally motivated, considering the Green Revolution’s fight for civil and women’s rights as the modern equivalent to Imam Hussein’s martyrdom [1]. The protests around Ashura spread to ten major Iranian cities, with participants for the first time taking part in uncivil disobedience and performing violent forms of protest [8].

Influence, Outcomes, and Effects

The revolution’s primary outcome was the heavy retaliation by the Iranian government. In light of protests, demonstrations, and the spread of information throughout the nation, the state moved to silence participants and attacked the movement’s communication resources [9]. Websites and social media platforms spreading information about the women’s movement and slogans related to the revolution were filtered and blocked in a widespread state censorship campaign [9]. Later, all public internet, SMS, and other forms of telecommunication were shut down, preventing communication and organization among participants and separating them from those outside of Iran [8]. Journalists and media workers were arrested at demonstrations, further harming the movement’s ability to spread [2]. The use of military force, mass arrests, torture, abuse, coerced confessions, and executions against participants soon impacted their willingness to attend demonstrations [2; 8]. 

The Green Revolution left a lasting impact on the women’s movement even in the modern day. Despite the movement being silenced for some time after 2009, both individuals and the community were left with lasting impacts, influenced to reject the government whenever possible by civil and legal means [8]. Participants remained willing to voice their concerns against the regime and after the killing of Jina Amini in 2022, they were quick to reorganize and continue demonstrations for women’s rights [10]. Demands were circulated through hashtags on social media, leading to slogans like “#MashaAmini” being reposted millions of times on an international scale [10].

Analysis and Lessons Learned

Strategies and methods used by the women’s movement both before the 2009 election and during the Green Revolution succeeded in spreading the word about women’s issues and establishing them as a priority for all participants interested in civil liberties. [11]. The use of public debates and interviews kept women’s issues in the minds of political candidates and through the use of speeches, women’s issues became a recognized issue throughout the revolution. 

The use of a non-hierarchical leadership system may have acted as a shortcoming for the movement, making organization difficult. While many religious and political figures acted as influencers to have citizens become participants, few named leaders' presence could have kept the movement running for a longer period once state resistance became harsher [11]. 

References

[1] Alimagham, Pouya (2020). “Contesting the Iranian Revolution: The Green Uprisings”. Cambridge University Press.

[2] Amnesty International (2009). "Iran: Election contested, repression compounded". Amnesty International. Retrieved from: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde13/123/2009/en/.

[3] Antic, Marija (2020). “Transnational Iranian poetics of resistance: the Green Movement and Iranian women’s agency in Sepideh Farsi’s Red Rose (2014)”. Feminist Media Studies 23(7), p.3498-3514. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2022.2126870.

[4] Burki, Shireen Khan (2015). “Regime Consolidation and Female Status in a Fledgling Theocracy: Khomeini’s ‘Vilayet-e-Fiqh’, 1979-89”. Middle Eastern Studies 51(2), p.208-223. Retrieved from: https://www.jstor.org/stable/24583531.

[5] Dabashi, Hamid (2013). “What happened to the Green Movement in Iran?” Al Jazeera. Retrieved from: https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2013/6/12/what-happened-to-the-green-movement-in-iran.

[6] Gholizadeh, Shadi & Hook, Derek W. (2012). “The Discursive Construction of the 1978-1979 Iranian Revolution in the Speeches of Ayatollah Khomeini”. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology. 22(1), p.174-186. Retrieved from: DOI: 10.1002/casp.1095.

[7] Jahanbegloo, Ramin et. al. (2011). “Civil Society and Democracy in Iran”. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic. 

[8] Milani, Abbas (2010). “The Green Movement”. The Iran Primer. Retrieved from: https://iranprimer.usip.org/resource/green-movement.

[9] Moghaddam, Rezvan (2019). “Struggle for Equality: From the Constitutional Revolution to Cyberfeminism with a Focus on the Role of New Media in the Women’s Movement in Iran”. Freie Universitat Berlin. Retrieved from: http://libaccess.mcmaster.ca/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/dissertations-theses/struggle-equality-constitutional-revolution/docview/2375495296/se-2?accountid=12347.

[10] Mohammadpour, Ahmad (2024). “Decolonizing Voices From Rojhelat: Gender-Othering, Ethnic Erasure, and the Politics of Intersectionality in Iran”. Critical Sociology 50(1), p.85-106. Retrieved from: DOI: 10.1177/08969205231176051.



[11] Naqvi, Azim (2024). "Personal Analysis on the Green Revolution". Participedia.

[12] Osman, Nadda (2023). “What is Ashura and how do Shia and Sunni Muslims observe it?” Middle East Eye. Retrieved from: https://www.middleeasteye.net/discover/what-is-ashura-how-do-shia-sunni-muslims-observe.

Notes

Personal reflections and analysis of the case are referenced under the [11] footnote.