A case study of the Genadendal rural community as part of a participatory research initiative on the decommissioning of the South African Social Services (SASSA) social grant pay points, finding that rural, elderly recipients faced greater costs and indignities as result.
Problems and Purpose
This is a component case of a collaborative research project between University of the Western Cape and Black Sash. Overall, the research explores the effect of the decommissioning of the old South African Social Services Agency (SASSA) pay points and its former payment structure, especially on the elderly.[1] It has now been replaced by a payment infrastructure provided for by the South African Post Office (SAPO).[2] Additionally grant recipients may also receive their money at commercial banks and selected retailers.[3] This has resulted in a greater number of recipients accessing their grants through Automated Teller Machines (ATMs).[4] This component of the research project examines these changes in grant access, focusing on recipients in the Genadendal rural community.
Background History and Context
Genadendal is situated within the Overberg Municipality of which Grabouw, Caledon, Hermanus, Bredasdorp and Swellendam are the major towns.[5] Caledon at 31.3km from Genadendal, is its closest town. Genadendal began as a Moravian mission town[6] and presently has a population of just over 5000 people.[7] Genadendal is unique as a rural town because it does not have a post office,[8] large retailers or a shopping mall. The small town only has two ATMs and very little other community facilities or resources.
Genadendal is populated by low-income households and lacks an urbanised town centre.[9] It is a predominantly coloured town with a small population of foreign nationals and very few black African (South African) inhabitants.[10]
Organizing, Supporting, and Funding Entities
The entire research project is organised and funded through a collaborative project between Black Sash, University of the Western Cape (UWC) and Participedia.[11] The research in Genadendal was specifically funded and organised through UWC and Black Sash.
To support these entities, local community-based organisations (CBO) working with Black Sash were used to help source participants for the research.[12] As a civil society organisation, Black Sash partners with CBOs to facilitate its goal of community engagement with government.[13] Through Black Sash, researchers were able to connect with relevant CBOs in the four chosen case studies. In Genadendal, the CBO was the Genadendal Legal Information Desk (GLID).[14] GLID provides independent legal advice to residents of Genadendal and also assists with general administrative duties such as birth certificates and social grants. Additionally, GLID provides home care services for the sick and elderly.
For more information on the organizers of the full research project on SASSA’s decommissioning, see the parent case entry.
Participant Recruitment and Selection
For the overall research project, the four component cases were selected to reflect both urban and rural settings.[15] The Genadendal component case is an example of a rural setting. The researchers’ expected that decommissioning will affect rural and urban recipients differently, with urban areas less affected in terms of distance and time to travel than in rural areas.
Genadendal is the second rural case to be researched. Genadendal is situated approximately 140 km from Cape Town.[16] It was chosen because the town presents issues unique to rural areas, such as limited facilities available to access grants and it has a large number of poor or economically disadvantaged residents.[17] Genadendal is not as built up as its other rural counterpart in this research, Robertson. Genadendal was selected because it is a small, mostly poor settlement situated in the Overberg region of the Western Cape. It is unique because it relies on the larger town of Caledon to provide more economic, retail, banking, and other resources.[18]
The participants for the research in Genadendal were recruited through the Black Sash advice office operating in Genadendal. Through the assistance of GLID, fifteen participants were sourced for the three-day research process.[19] The provision of food and travel costs for the participants were provided for by GLID, who received a stipend from Black Sash. Participants were mostly elderly persons who received old age grants. Old age grants are the second largest grant type to be paid out and comes second to child support grants.
Methods and Tools Used
The design of this project draws upon exploratory qualitative research previously undertaken by Black Sash. The research is qualitative overall, although various kinds of data - “quantitative and qualitative, numerical, written, oral and visual” - were collected.[20] In Genadendal, as in all sites, the following participatory research methods, tools and techniques were used[21]:
- Focus groups: A discussion held between no more than ten participants led by a facilitator/researcher.
- Interviews: Individually administered series of questions to participants.
- Observation: Annotating participants and their environment by researchers.
- River of Life: Participatory research tool that gets participants to draw their experiences as a river.
- Body mapping: Participatory research tool that gets participants to explain the effects of an experience on their body and in relation to it.
What Went On: Process, Interaction, and Participation
The research engaged with five key variables through a variety of research tools. These five variables were time, finance, dignity, opportunity cost, and distance.[22] The individual participant interviews, focus groups, and observation schedule were used to collect factual and perceptual data on the grant experience. Together with this, two participatory research tasks were administered to participants. The first of these tasks was the River of Life. The River of Life enabled participants to subjectively reflect on the grant experience using a visual narrative method, where they reflect on their grant experience by representing it as a river.[23] Each obstacle, challenge, or highlight of the journey was annotated on the river and then presented back to the group.[24]
In conjunction with the River of Life, participants also engaged in a body mapping exercise. Body mapping is a narrative method that is used to gain an understanding of oneself and our bodies in relation to the world we live in.[25] This method was used to hone in on the dignity variable to allow participants to create narratives of the effect of the decommissioning process on themselves. Participants drew an outline of their bodies (drawn to scale) and painted/decorated their body maps to express emotional responses to the decommissioning process and to present associated issues of the decommissioning.[26] The body maps were also used to show the physical effect on the body such as stress and excitement that the day of grant receiving brings.
The research is designed in two phases: i.) fieldwork and ii) products.[27] The fieldwork phase comprises three, non-consecutive, days of data gathering. During the fieldwork phase of Genadendal, researchers were engaged in the following:
i.) Fieldwork Phase
- Day 1-workshop: On Thursday, 28 March, the researchers met with the grant recipients, as organised by the partner organisation of Black Sash, Genadendal Legal Information Desk. The day involved “explaining the project, securing ethical clearance and conducting ‘rivers of life,’” a participatory activity designed to learn about grant collection day experiences.[28]
- Day 2-grant recipient travel: On Friday, 29 March, researchers travelled with selected participants to collect their money, while interviewing, observing and photographing the process of the day.
- Day 3-workshop: Friday 5 April involved debriefing the Genadendal community, during which researchers presented the interim findings.
ii) The products phase of the research was to be completed once all four case study sites have been conducted. This phase was completed between April to May 2019 and will include:
- Ongoing findings from each research site published on the Participedia website.
- The production of a project report by the end of May
- The production of one or more documentary videos of the research process, published on the Participedia website
On Thursday 28th March, researchers from the Department of Political Studies at the University of the Western Cape (UWC) conducted a workshop and interviews with 15 recipients of social grants in Genadendal, Western Cape. The focus of the workshop on 28 March was on recipients experience of the change in the allocation of social grants from the SASSA pay point system to the new system.[29]
Following the workshop, researchers conducted a follow-along with participants as they went about collecting their grants.[30] This took place on Friday 29 March. This process involved participant interviews and observation.
The day 1 workshop was comprised of 15 participants of whom all were Coloured, representing roughly the demographics of Genadendal. Of the 15 participants, 9 were female and 6 were male. The average age of the group was 63.
Results per variable:
1. Finances
A significant difference is evident in the increased cost of accessing social grants.[31] As the graph below demonstrates, the cost of accessing grants has increased for all participants.
The previous pay system was available to grant recipients in a community hall in Genadendal[32] where more people could be served at one time. Now, grant recipients must access their grants via an ATM, Post Office or selected retailer.[33] There are only two ATMs in Genadendal, no Post Office, and little to no retailers. This has meant that grant recipients must travel further to neighbouring towns Greyton and Caledon to get access to a Post Office and more ATMs.[34] This has increased the cost for travelling for most participants and since ATMs are now being used, this has brought additional costs by way of ATM fees and banking fees.
2. Travel Time
Given the fact that some participants travel out of Genadendal to access their grants, this has vastly affected travel time.[35] At least two participants (G01 and G09) travel to Caledon every month to collect their grant. Another 3 (G07, G10 and G12) travel to Greyton to use either the ATMs or the Post Office. Since most participants are elderly, their walking pace is slow so going to the ATMs from their homes in Genadendal takes a significant amount of time. Additionally, travel to Caledon is required at the very least to get better retail options for groceries and access to recourse for grant issues.[36]
3. Distance
With respect to this variable, for 10 of the 15 participants, the distance to their pay site did not change. This is because the ATMs are situated across the road from the former pay hall. For five participants, the distance to access their grants has greatly increased because they are travelling to either Caledon or Greyton. The average distance travelled now is 11.8km compared to 3.2km previously.
4. Opportunity cost
The focus on opportunity costs for grant recipients is to assess the loss of income or other activities, including social experiences, that the grant recipient may forgo in order to collect his/her grant.[37] Additionally, participants were also probed on the availability of cheaper goods on sale and chances for entrepreneurship that were present at the former paysite (prior to decommissioning) and whether these opportunities exist now (post decommissioning).
Participants in Genadendal noted that their retail options are severely limited and the previous pay point was one option which provided to them the opportunity to buy certain goods more cheaply. This saved them money for not having to travel to Caledon. A participant noted that:
"I used to buy socks, underwear and small appliances (radio) there. It was cheap and convenient. There were fish and vegetables. We don’t see them at all anymore. They lost their source of income. I need to travel with a taxi to Caledon now to buy my things. And the things are a bit expensive."[38]
Another participant similarly noted that:
"Ek mis die mense wat hier verkoop het. Hulle het vis, klere, bakke en speelgoed verkoop. Ek het laas bank lappe gekoop vir R150. Dit was nou spotgoedkoop. Hulle het lampe en elektriese goed verkoop. Nee, ons sukkel nou sonder die bargains. Ek het altyd my vriende van daar raakgeloop en dan het ons lekker gesels en verneem hoe dit gaan. Ons moet nou daar goed koop soos ander mense". (I miss the people that used to sell here. They had fish, clothes, bowls and toys. I bought couch covers for R150. That was dirt cheap. They sold lamps and electrical appliances. We now struggle without the bargains. I always used to meet my friends at the pay point and then we would catch up. Now we have to go buy stuff at the shop like other people.)[39]
The loss of a sense of community was also noted among participants who stated that the gathering at the community hall allowed them to catch up with friends and family.
"Hier is nie meer stalitjies nie. Ek moet nou Caledon toe. Daar was wasgoed pennetjies, spices, biscuits, koek. Dit was gemaklik, ek het altyd vir my doughnuts gekoop. Ek het baie vriende daar ontmoet, ons kan nou glad nie meer byeen nie. Ons tye is nie dieselfde nie. Dis eintlik n groot vermisting." (There aren’t stalls here anymore. I now have to go to Caledon. There used to be pegs, spices, biscuits and cake. It was comfortable, I always used to buy dougnuts there. I used to meet many friends there, now we can’t meet up anymore. Our times are not the same anymore. It’s actually a big loss.)[40]
5. Dignity
In terms of this variable, participants were asked about changes surrounding dignified treatment by officials/retail workers, conditions under which they received their grant, access to adequate ablution facilities, safety, access to recourse and general sentiment surrounding the participants feelings of the grant collection process.
Most participants noted that the previous pay point in the Victoria Hall (community hall) felt safer because there were security guards present, chairs, ablution facilities and shelter were also provided. Additionally participants noted that:
"Daar is niks geriewe by die bank nie. Daar is geen mens om te vra hoekom my geld min is nie, so ek los maar." (There are no faciities at the bank. There is no one to ask why I have money being deducted, so I just don’t ask anyone).[41]
"People stand in rain and sun, there is no shelter, not even a chair. I need to finish going to the toilet at home as there is no facilities. No officials or Police at the ATM. One is at own risk"[42]
"Nou is dit nie meer veilig nie. Daar is nie n afdak nie. Geen respek of orde nie. Daar is glad nie n toilet of water bie soos voorheen nie." (It is no longer safe. There is no shelter or order. There are no toilets or water like there used to be at the previos pay point).[43]
Influence, Outcomes, and Effects
The research team of Prof Laurence Piper and research assistants Sondre Bailey and Robyn Pasensie have been in regular contact with Participedia via Jesi Carson and Scott Fletcher to develop the parent case and this case, to get both ready for publication on the Participedia website. This marks a novel use of cases on the platform by documenting cases in advance of and during their implementation. This research is piloting a new way of cataloguing and presenting information for Participedia.
Analysis and Lessons Learned
The key insight from the overall research project is that “the greatest cost of decommissioning is experienced on the bodies of rural, elderly grant recipients” in terms of costs, insecurity, and particularly indignities.[44] The time and distance for travelling to access their grants has gone up significantly for residents in Genadendal since decommissioning. Many recipients must “now travel 25km to Caledon” in order to withdraw their money and travel for recourse regarding problems with their grants increased by 24.5km as well.[45]
For more analysis of the research findings, see the attached Black Sash research report.
See Also
Participatory Research on the Decommissioning of South African Social Services: in Khayelitsha, in Robertson, in Delft
References
[1] Piper, L., Bailey, S., and Pasensie, R. 2019. "‘Like a blow to my body': The negative impact of the decommissioning of SASSA pay points on the bodies of rural, elderly social grant recipients in the Western Cape." SASSA Decommissioning Research Report for Black Sash.
[2] Parliamentary Monitoring Group. 2018. ‘SASSA progress report on Constitutional Court order, SASSA strike action’ Social Development Committee. 7 November 2018.
Maragele, B & Ngubane, N. ‘SASSA accused of shutting down cash points too soon’, GroundUp 28 August 2018. https://www.groundup.org.za/article/sassa-accused-shutting-down-cash-points-too-soon
[3] Parliamentary Monitoring Group. 2018. ‘SASSA progress report on Constitutional Court order, SASSA strike action’ Social Development Committee. 7 November 2018.
Maragele, B & Ngubane, N. ‘SASSA accused of shutting down cash points too soon’, GroundUp 28 August 2018. https://www.groundup.org.za/article/sassa-accused-shutting-down-cash-points-too-soon
[4] Black Sash. 2018. Graphs supplied on 5 December 2018
[5] “Genadendal.” 2016. Overberginfo.com. Accessed 24 February 2020. http://www.overberginfo.com/overberg/overberg-regions/theewaterskloof/genadendal/;
“Genadendal.” Theewaterskloof Municipality. Accessed 24 February 2018. http://www.twk.org.za/genadendal
[6] Fleminger, D. 2019. “History of Genadendal.”southafrica.co.za. http://southafrica.co.za/history-genadendal.html
[7] “Genadendal.” 2011. Census 2011. Accessed February 24, 2020. https://census2011.adrianfrith.com/place/171004
[8] Piper, L., Bailey, S., and Pasensie, R. 2019. "‘Like a blow to my body': The negative impact of the decommissioning of SASSA pay points on the bodies of rural, elderly social grant recipients in the Western Cape."
[9] “Chapter 18: Genadendal, Berea, & Voorstekraal.” 2012. In Theewaterskloof Spatial Development Framework. Accessed February 24, 2020. https://twk.gov.za/download_document/1029, p. 3
[10] “Genadendal.” 2011. Census 2011.
[11] Piper, L 2019. ‘Funding proposal: Trialling a new approach to case writing on Participedia x.y.z: Using participatory methods to research the decommissioning of SASSA pay points in South Africa’. 15 January 2019
[12] Piper, L. 2019. ‘Concept note: Researching the decommissioning of SASSA paypoints 2019 through participatory methods’. 15 January 2019
[13] ‘About the Black Sash’. 2017. Black Sash. https://www.blacksash.org.za/index.php/about-us/about-the-black-sash
[14] Black Sash. 2011. “Western Cape CMAP South African Social Security Agency (SASSA) Report.” Black Sash. https://www.blacksash.org.za/images/campaigns/communitymonitoring,,,
[15] Piper, L., Bailey, S., and Pasensie, R. 2019. ‘Like a blow to my body'
[16] “Genadendal.” Theewaterskloof Municipality. Accessed 24 February 2018.
http://www.twk.org.za/genadendal
[17] “Chapter 18: Genadendal, Berea, & Voorstekraal.” 2012. In Theewaterskloof Spatial Development Framework. Accessed February 24, 2020. https://twk.gov.za/download_document/1029, p. 3
[18] Piper, L., Bailey, S., and Pasensie, R. 2019. ‘Like a blow to my body'
[19] Piper, L., Bailey, S., and Pasensie, R. 2019. ‘Like a blow to my body'
[20] Piper, L., Bailey, S., and Pasensie, R. 2019. ‘Like a blow to my body'
[21] Piper, L., Bailey, S., and Pasensie, R. 2019. ‘Like a blow to my body'
[22] Piper, L., Bailey, S., and Pasensie, R. 2019. ‘Like a blow to my body'
[23]Moussa, Z. 2009. Tips for Trainers. Rivers of Life, PLA [formerly PLA Notes] 60 (Community based adaptation to climate change). IIED, London.https://pubs.iied.org/G02828/; Piper, L., Bailey, S., and Pasensie, R. 2019. ‘Like a blow to my body'
[24] Moussa, Z. 2009. Tips for Trainers. Rivers of Life, PLA [formerly PLA Notes] 60 (Community based adaptation to climate change). IIED, London.https://pubs.iied.org/G02828/
[25] Botha, C. 2017. ‘Using metaphoric body-mapping to encourage reflection on the developing identity of pre-service teachers’ South African Journal of Education [online]. vol.37, n.3 [cited 2019-02-11], pp.1-12.http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0256-01002017000300010
[26][27][28][29][30][31][32][33] Piper, L., Bailey, S., and Pasensie, R. 2019. "‘Like a blow to my body': The negative impact of the decommissioning of SASSA pay points on the bodies of rural, elderly social grant recipients in the Western Cape." SASSA Decommissioning Research Report for Black Sash.
[34] [38] Yauger, M. 06 October 2019. “Long queues, no toilets: Closure of old Sassa paypoints leaves pensioners in the lurch - study.” GroundUp. https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/long-queues-no-toilets...
[35][36][37][38][39][40][41][42][43][44][45] Piper, L., Bailey, S., and Pasensie, R. 2019. "‘Like a blow to my body': The negative impact of the decommissioning of SASSA pay points on the bodies of rural, elderly social grant recipients in the Western Cape." SASSA Decommissioning Research Report for Black Sash.